Immigration

If you use the word “illegal”, do you also say the N word?

Language changes, but the hate does not.

Illustration Julian Lucas

Language, erasure, and the violence we’ve agreed not to be bothered by.

It doesn’t even begin with a knock.

It’s more like the so-called smash and grab, only this time, it’s not teenagers,
Its federal agents in black vests,
doing their own harm to the community.
A pull-up-and-grab, not for sneakers, but for members of the community.
All of this sanctioned by Trump; State violence with a MAGA stamp of approval.

The only time kidnapping awakens patriotism is when the bodies being taken don’t look like theirs.

Why don’t the same people  screaming about shoplifters at CVS also scream out about people being kidnapped in broad daylight. Surely a crying child, as she sees her mother taken away, would elicit screams of injustice.

Let’s talk about masks.

When Palestinian protesters cover their faces, they are labeled terrorists.
When students wear keffiyehs, they’re accused of inciting violence.
When brown kids march, they’re “terrorists and thugs”.

But when ICE pulls up masked,  armed, no badge, no official vehicle, no warning, no accountability, that’s cheered on, that's ok?

People are  vanishing  in real time. No one is exactly sure about where they are taken.

We’ve been here before. 

1954: When a Slur Became Federal Policy

Operation Wetback

Operation Wetback was the real - and very derogatory and racist - name (used in official memos and press releases) of the campaign to remove Mexicans from the country by President Eisenhower. It was executed by armed agents and celebrated in newspapers and by some Americans. Sound familiar?  In the 1920s, when the economy was booming and white Americans wouldn’t pick beets, lay track, or clean hotel kitchens, the U.S. actively recruited Mexican laborers to fill the gap. Railroads, farms, and factories sent agents across the border to bring workers in, cheap, fast, and exploitable.

When the stock market crashed and unemployment surged, those same workers became scapegoats. No hearings. No charges. Just buses, trains, and public silence. In 1942, there was a  U.S. Mexican Farm Labor Program, which was also known as Operation Bracero. This  program brought Mexicans into the United States with the promise of decent wages and good treatment. During Operation Wetback as many as 1.3 million Mexicans, some of them U.S. citizens, were rounded up at gunpoint, dragged from fruit stands and factory floors. They were shipped off in overcrowded trains, ships, buses, often to places in Mexico that were unfamiliar to them. Sound familiar? 

There’s a plaque in downtown Los Angeles now. It admits what was done. But it doesn’t tell the whole story, that the people expelled were first invited, then blamed. Welcomed as labor and then removed as a threat.

And It Didn’t Start There

Hundreds of Mexicans at a Los Angeles train station awaiting deportation

Before Operation Wetback, there was the so called Mexican Repatriation of the 1930s.

These people have been scapegoated for unemployment, blamed for taking jobs from “real” Americans’. Sound familiar? 

It was racialized economic panic then and its racialized economic panic now.

The Invention of “Illegal”

In the decades since, we’ve gotten more careful with our words. The slurs are less acceptable. The harm and hate is still palpable.

The politicians have switched to something that sounds neutral: Illegal. People who intentionally use it must know how cruel it is. They must know the harm it causes?

You hear it when you watch the news, check in on Facebook or Nextdoor, or talk to a conservative media consumer. The word illegal is offensive and crass and it strips away at identity and says “you don’t belong here” to people who do, in fact, belong.

“Illegal” is not a status. It’s a whole sentence.

So I’ll ask again, do the same people who say “illegal” also use the N word?

Is the word “Illegal” like the N word? The origin and tone are different, but the use feels the same.

Both words serve the same social/political function: to dehumanize, disappear, insult and to say you don’t belong. 

Calling someone “Illegal” makes it easier to justify the harm and  ignore the trauma being inflicted.

This country doesn’t just deport people. It deports memory.

Are conservative commentators aware of the similarity? How about the  Latinos for Trump conservatives who scream the loudest. It is easy to forget where your roots first took hold and to dismiss the fearful people who look just like you. 

Ken Light. 6/2/1985 San Ysidro, California.

The question is avoided because facing it means facing the fact that the legal system is just a polished machine for disappearance.

The Myth the Right Way

Immigration done “right way” is expensive and fraught with confusion. People say this, like that path actually exists for everyone. But for many, it’s unaffordable, takes decades, and still ends in rejection. If your child’s life is at risk, you don’t wait for paperwork, you run. The “right way” is often just a privilege people mistake for a moral high ground. But don’t be surprised when the “right way” shifts again and you’re suddenly on the wrong side of the line.

Citizenship has always been a moving goalpost. Ask any Black American. Ask any Indigenous person. Ask any second generation kid watching their uncle being snatch-and-grab into detention while white coworkers joke about tacos and plan the next taco Tuesday.

What Does Language Allow?

“Illegal” doesn’t just erase the person.

It erases the context.

It erases the war, the drought, the cartel, the IMF, the colonial border drawn across someone’s ancestral land.

It erases the U.S. policies that created the very migration it now punishes. A simple google search can tell you what US policies lead to migrants leaving their homelands in search of a better future.

“Illegal” asks no questions about cause.

It just gives permission to punish the effect.

This country never apologized for the deportations of the 1930s. It never apologized for Operation Wetback. This country likes to pretend it forgot.

The state of California did issue a quiet apology in 2012, installing a plaque at LA Plaza de Cultura y Artes to acknowledge the forced removal of Mexican Americans during the Great Depression. It recognized that 400,000 Californians, many U.S. citizens, were deported, part of a repatriation of up to 2 million people. 

But did anyone notice?
No national headlines. No prime time apology. No reparations. No shared reckoning.

And the raids happening now? Don’t hold your breath waiting for acknowledgement or atonement.

Maybe one day there will be a monument. A footnote in a textbook. A documentary narrated by someone who mispronounces our names.

But by then, how many lives will have vanished?

So I’ll ask one last time, and this time, I want you to actually sit with it:

Is “illegal” like the N word?

Are we just too polite, too white, too complicit, too satisfied, to say what we really mean?

Final note. The term “Illegal” isn’t even accurate. It’s not a crime to exist without papers. It’s a word people use to ignore the reasons someone came, war, poverty, policy.

You can call the system broken, but don’t call the person illegal. That’s not law, that’s a choice.



Julian Lucas is the editor of The Pomonan. He writes about power, memory, and the parts of America that would rather forget.

Protecting Immigrants

Photography Courtesy of Julian Lucas
Originally Published for Vice Media ©2014

There are some very good bills just introduced in the California Assembly and Senate seeking to provide some protection for immigrants. California’s AB 49 and SB 48 aim to keep federal agents from detaining undocumented students or their families on or near school property without a warrant. While these bills, if passed, would not override federal law, they would work to make it safer for children of immigrants to attend school by making it harder and more time-consuming for agents to enter schools or daycare centers. It is limited—it would delay arrests, though it would not stop them.

In 2014, Murrieta, California, became the site of intense protests as demonstrators clashed over the arrival of buses carrying immigrant families. Protesters held signs with messages like “Save our children from diseases” and “U.S. citizens don’t get a free pass—why should illegals?” These slogans reflected the fear and resistance some Americans feel toward undocumented immigration, even as immigrant families seek safety and stability. That divide remains stark today.

It is important to keep students in school learning, documented or undocumented—not only for their future but for ours as well. Education is one of the most effective tools to create opportunity and stability, both for individuals and for communities as a whole.

There is also the fiscal side of things to consider. Right now (this changes in 2026), the money our schools receive is tied to attendance. Fear of detention or deportation discourages parents from sending their children to school, which not only disrupts their education but also puts school funding at risk.

Currently, 12% of California students have at least one undocumented parent. These children are part of our community and deserve access to a safe and stable education.

Contact your California Senator or Assembly member and ask for their support for AB 49 and SB 48. President Trump intends to “make good” on his campaign promises. Californians need to step up and do what we can.

Update: On April 7, Immigration enforcement officers from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security attempted to enter two Los Angeles Unified School District elementary schools, but were denied entry by school administrators.

This appears to be one of the first confirmed attempts of immigration enforcement seeking to enter schools since a change in federal policy allowing it.

School leaders at LAUSD’s Russell Elementary School and Lillian Street Elementary School checked with their district leadership and legal counsel before turning away the agents.

DHS later said the officers left “without incident” after school leaders refused to share information on the children without a court order or warrant. At the time, the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) maintained that the incidents were “wellness checks on children who arrived unaccompanied at the border.” They also stated that they had received permission from the students' guardians.

However, later when school officials contacted the students' guardians, the guardians said that they had not been contacted by the DHS.

According to California's two U.S. senators, Adam Schiff and Alex Padilla, who spoke directly with Immigration and Customs Enforcement officials, the agents falsely told school staff they had permission from the students' families to speak with them,

Later, on April 11, Tricia McLaughlin, DHS assistant secretary for public affairs said that, “This had nothing to do with immigration enforcement,” in a statement to K-12 Dive. McLaughlin said the check was to ensure the children “are safe and not being exploited, abused, and sex trafficked.”

Update: as of late Tuesday, January 21, 2015, the Trump administration has, according to Newsweek, " reversed longstanding policies that restricted immigration enforcement at sensitive locations such as schools, churches, and hospitals."



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Pamela Casey Nagler is currently finishing her book, A Century of Disgrace: The Removal, Enslavement, and Massacre of California’s Indigenous People 1769 - 1869.